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Posted April 27, 2012

By Paul A. Cicelski

To follow up on my post from last week regarding the FCC's open meeting on implementing its proposals to require online posting of TV station public inspection files, including the political file, the FCC today voted to require television broadcasters to post their entire public inspection files online. FCC Commissioner McDowell dissented regarding the requirement that TV stations' political files be included online.

According to statements made in the FCC's meeting today, all TV stations will have six months to move their public inspection files online. The FCC has agreed to host TV public inspection files on its own website. With respect to the political file, online posting will be a "phased in" process. Stations affiliated with the top-four national networks in the top-50 Nielsen markets will be required to begin placing their political files online, with all other TV stations to follow on July 1, 2014. The FCC also indicated that it plans to issue a Public Notice in a year to evaluate the effectiveness of the process.

In adopting its Order, the FCC rejected a compromise proposal advanced last Friday by the National Association of Broadcasters, the ABC, CBS, NBC, Fox, and Univision networks, State Broadcasters Associations, as well as various television station groups. The compromise proposal would have permitted TV stations to provide summary information online, including the total amount of an advertising buy and the total amount of money a candidate has spent at that station on ads during a particular election window. The compromise proposal would have kept commercially-sensitive per unit rate information out of the online public file, while still including this information in the hard copy of the political file for candidates to inspect regarding lowest unit rate and other political advertising requirements.

Much more on these issues to follow, including further specifics on the details of the FCC's Order in this proceeding.

Posted April 20, 2012

By Paul A. Cicelski

As many of you know by now, very few topics were hotter during the NAB Show in Las Vegas this week than the FCC's looming April 27 public meeting vote to decide how to implement its proposals to require online posting of TV station public inspection files. As Laurie Lynch Flick reported previously here, the FCC is proposing to require television broadcasters to replace their existing locally-maintained public inspection files with digital public inspection files to be maintained online, including stations' political records. The online public file has broadcasters concerned because creating and maintaining a centralized online public file substantially increases their public inspection file burdens, while the political portion of the file contains sensitive competitive and pricing information that broadcasters would prefer not be made available to competitors online on a near real-time basis.

The proposals have proven to be so controversial that earlier today the National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) filed a request with the FCC to grant a two business day delay of the commencement of the "sunshine period" in the FCC's online public file proceeding. For those who are not familiar with the "sunshine period" requirement, the term refers to the week before one of the Commission's monthly public business meetings (known as "open meetings") during which time all contacts with Commission staff concerning the matters to be decided at the meeting are prohibited, until such time as the text of the Commission's decision is publicly released. The sunshine period for the online file proceeding is scheduled to commence today, and the NAB is asking the FCC to delay the effective date until next Tuesday, April 24, in order to allow interested parties to continue to discuss the FCC's proposals with FCC staff members.

To make matters even more interesting, yesterday a media placement company asked the FCC to refrain from going forward at the April 27 meeting with any requirements regarding placing political files online.

The precise details of the FCC's online public file requirements, including those for the political file, aren't likely to be released until the FCC's April 27 monthly meeting. However, during discussions at the NAB Show, FCC staff informed broadcasters that the FCC's Order is expected to, at a minimum, require online posting of public inspection files by all television stations this year, with the posting of the online political file portion of the public file to be phased in, initially applying to network-affiliated stations in the top 50 markets. All other television stations would be required to move their political files online within the next two years.

Regardless of the precise approach taken by the FCC for putting political file information online, stations would be wise to ensure that their current political file is complete and that their political sales practices comply with the numerous legal requirements. Moving a poorly kept political file online is an invitation to trouble.

A good place to start for ensuring your political file compliance is with our Political Broadcasting Advisory, which is regularly updated and is a comprehensive guide for broadcasters to use to help them comply with the FCC's political broadcasting rules, including the political file requirements. The time to fix any public file/political file and political sales problems is now, before the data has to be posted on the Internet.

As the details of the Order the FCC is expected to release on April 27 leak out, the FCC continues to revise its positions and there may be a few more twists and turns before we are done. The FCC has moved this item to the front burner of its agenda about as fast as any in recent memory. What makes it more of an immediate concern for TV broadcasters is that the item will be released just prior to the time TV stations are preparing for what is expected to be the most expensive presidential campaign advertising blitz on record.

As the online public file/political file debate rages on, there can be no doubt we will have plenty more to discuss regarding these issues in the coming days and weeks ahead.

Posted April 12, 2012

By Clifford M. Harrington

A panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in San Francisco today ruled, in a 2 - 1 decision, that the long-standing prohibition on the carriage of paid political and issue advertising by noncommercial television and radio stations is unconstitutional and may no longer be enforced by the FCC.

The majority opinion in Minority Television Project Inc v. FCC was authored by Judge Carlos Bea, a George W. Bush appointee, and joined in by Judge John Noonen, a Reagan appointee; Judge Richard Paez, a Clinton appointee, wrote a dissenting opinion. The case arose when Minority Television Project, licensee of noncommercial television station KMTP-TV was fined $10,000 by the FCC for violating the prohibition in Section 399B of the Communications Act against noncommercial stations carrying paid advertising for commercial entities. According to the FCC, KMTP-TV had carried over 1,900 advertisements for entities such as State Farm, Chevrolet and Asiana Airlines in the period from 1999-2002. Minority Television Project paid the fine, but filed suit in District Court for reimbursement of the fine and declaratory relief. After its arguments were rejected by the District Court, Minority Television Project brought this appeal.

The Court of Appeals focused on whether the statutory prohibitions on paid advertising in Section 399B are consistent with the U.S. Constitution. It concluded that the statute contains content-related restrictions that must be reviewed under the standard of "intermediate scrutiny," which provides that the government must show that the statute "promotes a substantial governmental interest" and "does not burden substantially more speech than necessary to further that interest."

The Court found that the prohibition on broadcasting paid commercial advertising on behalf of for-profit entities, the primary focus of Minority Television Project's appeal, was narrowly tailored and promotes the substantial governmental goal of preventing the commercialization of educational television. As a result, the fine imposed on Minority Television Project was upheld. However, the Court went on to address the prohibition on carriage of paid candidate and paid issue advertising by noncommercial stations. It found no legitimate governmental goal underlying that prohibition. The Court reviewed the Congressional record developed when the prohibition on political and issue advertising was adopted, and failed to find any evidence to support the provision. It therefore held that aspect of the law to be unconstitutional.

The decision leaves open many important questions as to how to implement it. For example, the questions of whether or how the lowest unit charge provision of Section 315 of the Communications Act will apply to noncommercial stations are not addressed. Similarly, the Decision does not consider whether federal candidates will be entitled to
"reasonable access" rights on noncommercial stations, permitting federal candidates to buy advertising on noncommercial stations that do not want to accept political advertising. While the reasonable access provision of the Communications Act appears to exempt noncommercial educational stations from that requirement, it is a content-related law, and therefore raises questions as to whether the disparate treatment of commercial and noncommercial stations for this purpose is constitutional. Other practical questions, such as the application of equal opportunities rights, political file obligations, and the like will also have to be resolved if this decision is implemented. More broadly, if the decision stands, it could have a fundamental impact on the nature and funding of noncommercial broadcasting.

The Ninth Circuit's decision only applies to states located within the jurisdiction of that Court (Alaska, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Oregon and Washington). The FCC and the Justice Department may seek review by the entire Ninth Circuit, sitting en banc, or seek review by the U.S. Supreme Court. As that drama plays out during an active political season, a lot of noncommercial stations will be scratching their heads trying to figure out what they can, can't, and must do in light of the decision. Conversely, a lot of commercial stations aren't going to be happy if they find that their political advertising revenues are being diverted to noncommercial stations. One thing is certain--if upheld, the implications of this decision for both noncommercial and commercial stations will be far reaching.

Posted February 3, 2012

By Scott R. Flick

As a follow up to my earlier post today, the FCC has just released a decision rejecting a political advertising complaint filed by Randall Terry against WMAQ-TV in Chicago.

The FCC ruled that Terry failed to meet his burden to demonstrate to the station that he is a bona fide candidate for the Democratic Presidential Primary in Illinois. The FCC also ruled that even if Terry were a bona fide candidate, it was reasonable for the station to reject his request for ad time during the Super Bowl, since a station could reasonably conclude that "it may well be impossible, given the station's limited spot inventory for that broadcast, including the pre-game and post-game shows, to provide reasonable access to all eligible federal candidates who request time during that broadcast."

One aspect of the decision that is particularly interesting is the FCC's conclusion that the mere fact that some stations may have aired the spots did not make another station's decision not to air them unreasonable. The FCC assessed the degree to which Terry demonstrated he had broadly campaigned in Illinois, concluding that "[r]eview of the information provided by Terry to the station regarding his substantial showing demonstrates that much of it is either incomplete or without specific facts to support his claims regarding particular campaign activities" and that "the few locations in which he mentions campaigning fail to demonstrate that he has engaged in campaign activities throughout a substantial part of the state, as required by Commission precedent."

While it is unlikely this decision marks the end of the controversy, it will certainly allow broadcasters to breathe easier for the moment. Unavoidably, however, the decision provides a road map to those seeking to exploit the rules in the future, detailing the type of showing they will need to make "next time" to establish a right to reasonable access, equal opportunity, and lowest unit charge (although probably not during the Super Bowl). While the FCC today set the bar appropriately high for establishing a bona fide candidacy, the benefits conveyed to candidates by the Communications Act are sufficiently attractive that it likely won't be long before we see an effort by another "candidate" to clear that hurdle.

Posted February 3, 2012

By Scott R. Flick

If you are a television broadcaster, count yourself fortunate if you have not heard from the ad agency for Randall Terry. In a self-proclaimed effort to exploit the laws requiring broadcasters to give federal candidates guaranteed access to airtime as well as their lowest ad rates, Terry has announced he is running for President and wishes to air anti-abortion ads containing graphic footage of aborted fetuses during Super Bowl coverage and elsewhere.

Stations seeking not to air the ads have been the recipients of angry messages from the Terry campaign arguing that stations have no choice but to carry the ads under federal law, and they are not permitted to modify the ads in any way to delete the graphic content. That would be a generally accurate statement of the law if Terry is indeed a qualified "bona fide" candidate for President. The Terry campaign has already lodged at least one complaint at the FCC against a Chicago station for refusing to run the ads, and has sent messages to stations threatening a license renewal challenge if they don't run his ads.

To say the least, this puts stations in an awkward position. If the FCC rules that Terry is a bona fide candidate, then stations that refused to air the ads are in violation of the political ad provisions of the Communications Act. If they air the ads and the FCC rules that Terry is not a bona fide candidate, then the stations are potentially liable for the content of those ads (since the "no censorship" rule on political ads wouldn't apply). Either way, they risk license renewal challenges, either from Terry or from offended viewers. Even after the FCC rules, it's a fair bet that the decision will be appealed, meaning that it may be a while before broadcasters have any clarity as to their legal obligations.

What has been absent from the discussion so far, however, is that the issue may loom far larger over other federal candidates than it does over broadcasters. The Communications Act grants federal candidates rights that no commercial advertiser has--a guaranteed right of access to a station's airtime and, during the 45 days preceding a primary and the 60 days preceding a general election, a guarantee of paying the lowest available rate for ad time. Stated differently, broadcasters are required to air political speech they may disagree with, and to economically contribute to the candidate by selling airtime at prices below what they would be charging other short-term advertisers. An argument can be made that the former violates a broadcaster's First Amendment rights, and that the latter violates both a broadcaster's First Amendment rights (by requiring it to subsidize a candidate's political speech), and its Fifth Amendment rights (via a government "taking" of its airtime and ad revenue).

Because broadcasters have always seen the carriage of candidate ads as part of their civic duty, they have carried them with a smile and not seriously challenged the statute that imposes these obligations. However, episodes like the Terry ads expose what we have always known about these rules, and that is simply the fact that they could easily be gamed. Some of the media have described the Terry ads as attempting to exploit a "loophole" in the law, but that is of course not really accurate, since a loophole suggests the law is working in a way other than intended when in fact, guaranteed carriage and lowest unit charge for bona fide federal candidates is the very purpose of the law.

Given the number of comedians and others over the years that have taken steps to run for President, I am frankly surprised that we have not yet seen the political ad that says "I'm George Smith and I'm running for President. I hope you'll vote for me, but whether you do or don't, I think you'll find that the trip to the voting booth goes well with a nice cold Smith-brand beer." Such ads could well qualify for guaranteed placement and the lowest possible ad rates.

If broadcasters find themselves increasingly forced to carry and subsidize "candidate" ads that cause their viewers to tune out while the advertiser avoids paying normal ad rates, the unspoken agreement between broadcasters and the federal government to live with the political advertising rules may come to an end, leading to a constitutional challenge of those rules. Sound farfetched? Not really. For decades, the FCC enforced an EEO rule that went beyond what was constitutionally permissible, but the FCC had perfected the art of fining stations an amount large enough to ensure future compliance, but low enough that it wasn't worth the expense of challenging the rule in court. That "truce" between broadcasters and the FCC ended when the FCC upped the ante and sought to take a station's license away for alleged EEO rule violations. At that point, our firm was hired to defend the station's license at hearing. We let both the FCC and the petitioner that had raised the challenge know that the station was ready to vigorously defend its license, and that pursuing the case could well result in a court invalidating the FCC's decades-old EEO rule. They pursued the case anyway, and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit did indeed toss out the EEO rule as unconstitutional.

Broadcasters are now faced with a somewhat similar situation, where their licenses are being threatened because a potential petitioner is arguing that they must forgo their First Amendment right to select their content, and instead air content (at a discount) that they find visually repugnant, regardless of their own political views on the abortion issue. If they are forced to do so, they have a beautiful set of facts with which to challenge the political ad provisions of the Communications Act, potentially resulting in a finding that those provisions are not constitutional in the current media environment, much to the detriment of candidates everywhere.

It is therefore not surprising that steps are being taken to avoid this "high noon" constitutional showdown between broadcasters and the Communications Act. The Democratic National Committee attempted to take some of the pressure off of broadcasters by releasing a letter stating, among other things, that "Mr. Terry's claims to be a Democratic candidate for President are false. Accordingly, he should not be accorded the benefits of someone conducting a legitimate campaign for public office." This letter gives the FCC ammunition to support broadcasters that do not wish to air the ads, and it is in no one's interest to force broadcasters into a corner where challenging the constitutionality of the political rules is their least objectionable option. If that happens, future candidates could well find that they will no longer be "accorded the benefits of someone conducting a legitimate campaign for public office."

Posted October 27, 2011

By Lauren Lynch Flick

At its Open Meeting this morning, the Federal Communications Commission released its latest proposal to require commercial and noncommercial television broadcasters to maintain their public inspection files online. The FCC had taken incremental steps in this direction over the years by first permitting and encouraging stations to maintain their public files online, and then requiring that certain content of the public file, such as annual EEO public file reports and the progress reports that broadcasters filed during the DTV transition, also be posted on stations' websites.

However, most television broadcasters will recall that in 2007 the FCC suddenly upped the stakes considerably when it undertook a review of the public interest obligations applicable to television broadcasters as they transitioned to digital television. The results of that review, known as "Enhanced Disclosures", specifically mandated that television broadcasters complete a long and excruciatingly detailed new form, FCC Form 355, reporting on their programming content quarterly, and maintain almost the entirety of their public file in an online format.

While these requirements were adopted by the FCC in 2007, they were never actually implemented. Broadcasters petitioned the FCC to reconsider its order due to the excessive burden the new requirements placed on stations, and advised the government's Office of Management and Budget, which must approve any new paperwork requirements before they go into effect, of the burden the new rules would impose.

This summer, the FCC released a report entitled "The Information Needs of Communities." It concluded that the Form 355 was "overly bureaucratic and cumbersome." Consistent with that conclusion, the FCC today abandoned the Form 355, but stated that it is internally circulating a Notice of Inquiry that will examine what manner of disclosures television broadcasters should instead make.

While eliminating the Form 355, the FCC did not give up on its goal of an online public inspection file. In fact, today's proposal to implement an online public file suggests the inclusion of documents that the FCC had exempted in its 2007 order, as well as documents that stations have never previously had to place in their public file at all. Those items which are now apparently fair game include shared services agreements and a station's political file. In addition, the FCC is proposing that stations be required to post information online regarding all of their on-air sponsorship announcements.

Both the political file and sponsorship identification proposals pose a potentially enormous burden for TV stations. How big that burden will be should become clearer when the FCC releases the actual text of the Notice of Proposed Rulemaking. Commissioner McDowell specifically asked for comment on the burden imposed by requiring that stations' political files be posted online and continuously updated. During today's Open Meeting, he pointedly noted that the FCC had decided to exempt the political file from online posting in 2007 because the burden outweighed the public interest benefit.

In that regard, the FCC did acknowledge some of the concerns broadcasters had earlier raised regarding the burden of online posting. For example, the FCC is proposing that, rather than requiring broadcasters to maintain their own websites for posting their public file information, the FCC create its own hosting site for that purpose.

We will certainly have more to say about this proceeding once the FCC releases the text of its proposals and inquiries. Commissioner McDowell made an additional point at the Open Meeting which certainly will resonate with broadcasters, and that is whether the burdens these new procedures would involve will result in any true benefit to the local communities the stations serve. Much was said today in support of the item based on a desire to drive additional broadband adoption, and to aid academics and advocacy groups in monitoring media. However, the purpose of the public inspection file has always been to ensure that a station's local community has easy access to the information necessary to assess the station's performance, particularly at license renewal time. It will be hard to justify the additional burden on TV stations if the primary "benefit" of an online file goes to academicians and distant advocacy groups rather than to a station's local audience. Implicit in that approach is a "one size fits all" assumption about what types of programming meet the needs of each and every local community.

This is obviously a very important proceeding for all broadcasters, since the FCC has made clear that once online public files are implemented for TV, radio is likely next. All broadcasters will therefore want to get involved in this issue once the FCC announces the deadlines for filing comments.

Posted October 29, 2010

By Richard R. Zaragoza

As a record three billion dollar political advertising season comes to a close, broadcasters must remember that the FCC requires many broadcast stations to stay open for business this weekend. Specifically, all radio and television stations that have provided weekend access to any commercial advertiser within the twelve months prior to the election must provide similar access to federal candidates the weekend before the November 2 election date.

A station only needs to offer federal candidates the same kinds of weekend services that it has previously offered to commercial advertisers. This means that if a station has provided weekend access only for deleting copy or canceling spots, as opposed to selling and scheduling new spots, the station is only required to provide those same pre-election weekend services for federal candidates. Stations also need to keep in mind that they cannot discriminate between candidates with regard to providing access.

According to FCC staff, unlike federal candidates, state and local candidates do not have a similar right to weekend access even if the station has provided such access to commercial advertisers.

Posted July 22, 2010

By Clifford M. Harrington

In my recent commentary on the Senate version of the DISCLOSE Act (Senate Disclose Act Bill Raises Serious Concerns For Broadcasters), I highlighted provisions related to the Lowest Unit Charge which had the potential to cause a very significant adverse impact on broadcast station revenues from federal election advertising.

Senator Schumer introduced today a revised version of the DISCLOSE Act. While retaining other campaign finance reform provisions, the new version thankfully eliminates the LUC provisions that were the focus of my concern.

The Act has not yet been passed, and could still be modified either in the Senate or in a Conference Committee with the House. We will continue to monitor the bill and let you know if further attempts are made to reinstate the troublesome LUC concepts.

Posted July 20, 2010

By Clifford M. Harrington

Last month, the House of Representatives passed the DISCLOSE Act ("Democracy is Strengthened by Casting Light on Spending in Elections Act"), H.R. 5175. The bill responds to the decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission which held that corporations (and presumably unions and other associations) have a constitutional right to make independent expenditures in election campaigns. The bill would, if it becomes law, impose significant new disclosure requirements related to political expenditures, prohibit government contractors from making campaign expenditures, and ban such expenditures by U.S. corporations owned 20% or more by foreign nationals or which have certain other foreign ties.

The Senate's companion DISCLOSE Act bill, S. 3295, was introduced on April 29 by Senators Schumer, Feingold, Wyden, Bayh and Franken, and remains pending at this time. The focus of this commentary is on a provision in the Senate bill, but not the House version, that we believe has the potential to have a very significant adverse impact on broadcast station revenues from federal election advertising.

In our previous discussions of the DISCLOSE Act here and here, we pointed out that the Senate bill would allow national committees of any political party (including a national congressional campaign committee of a party) to take advantage of Lowest Unit Charge (LUC) rights previously only available to legally qualified candidates or their official committees. Similarly, it would extend Reasonable Access rights to national party committees which are now only available to federal candidates. In addition, it would effectively make all federal candidate and party committee advertising non-preemptible, regardless of the class of advertising purchased. Stations would also be required to promptly list all requests of candidates and party committees to purchase time on the stations' web sites.

While troublesome, these and other provisions in the DISCLOSE Act pale in significance, in our view, to the proposed amendment to the LUC provisions of Section 315 of the Communications Act. Under Section 315, as currently in effect, legally qualified candidates for elective office are entitled to receive during specified pre-election periods "the lowest unit charge of the station for the same class and amount of time for the same period" that is then clearing on a station. Under the Senate version of the DISCLOSE Act, federal candidates and party committees (but not state or local candidates) would be entitled to receive the "lowest charge of the station for the same amount of time that was offered at any time during the 180 days preceding the date of use."

This is troublesome for two reasons. First, the bill eliminates the "same class" and "same period" provisions in current law. Because "class" refers to the level of preemption protection which the advertiser has purchased, federal candidates and committees would be entitled to obtain non-preemptible status while paying rates that commercial advertisers would pay for immediately preemptible spots. Similarly, because "period" refers to the day part or rotation involved, stations could not charge more to federal candidates and committees for the most desirable spot placement - fixed position in prime or drive time - than they charge commercial advertisers for the same length spot that runs in the least desirable time period or rotation - late night or run of schedule (ROS).

Second, the new 180 day look-back provision means that stations will be required to give federal candidates and committees the lowest rate that has run on the station in the past half year, rather than which is currently running on the station. Therefore, if the LUC period occurs during a period of strong advertising demand, or a station has increased its rates due to extrinsic factors, such as improved programming or a format change, the station will still be required to give federal candidates and committees preferential rates that no other advertiser can currently obtain.

We view these provisions, if adopted, as creating a perfect storm for broadcasters. The number of entities entitled to reasonable access and lowest unit charge rights will be greatly expanded. Stations will be required to give non-preemptible access to federal candidates and national party committees in their most desirable time periods at their lowest rates for any advertising. Rather than election years being seen as a period of enhanced revenues for broadcasters, this provision might well cause election years to be viewed as a major drag on station revenues.

For some reason, this proposal to dramatically change the prevailing law has received little publicity in the press or in releases from proponents or opponents of the bill. A little sunshine on this part of the bill appears appropriate.

Posted July 7, 2010

By Clifford M. Harrington

We are frequently asked by broadcasters during the political season whether they are required to provide political candidates with free spot availabilities because they are running "free" or "no charge" spots for commercial advertisers. These spots, of course, are really not free at all. They have a cost, but it is hidden in the cost of the other spots in the package.

The FCC has said that bonus spots to churches, charities, non-profit organizations and governmental entities do not need to be considered for purposes of computing a station's lowest unit charge (LUC). Thus, the bonus spots (or PSAs) given an organization such as the Office of National Drug Control Policy -- which required one free spot for every paid spot -- do not affect stations' LUC.

Much more common are the bonus spots that are given to a for-profit commercial advertiser as an inducement to enter into a package deal. For example, a radio station may offer an additional 20 Run-of-Schedule (ROS) spots for no additional charge to commercial advertisers who enter into a package deal to buy 20 drive time spots at full rate card price.

Sometimes these are listed simply as "bonus spots," and no price is allocated to the spot at all. In such cases, the station is required to divide the total number of spots of all types in the package into the total consideration paid to compute the price for each spot in the package, including the "no charge" spots. So, if a radio station charges $1,000 for a package consisting of 20 drive time spots (shown on the invoice as $50 each) and 20 ROS spots (shown on the invoice as "bonus"), the FCC would divide the total number of spots (20+20=40) into the total package price ($1000) and say that the rate for LUC purposes of both the drive time and ROS spots is $25 each. This may well be lower than any drive time spot running on the station, and higher than any ROS spot. Because candidates may "cherry pick" spots in a package, and buy only one at the package rate, this leads to a very harsh result, because a candidate would be able to buy one or many drive time spots at the low $25 rate without having to buy any ROS spots.

In other cases, the advertising contracts for such package deals list price for the bonus spots as "no charge," "free" or "$0.00." While the FCC has said that it would not rule out the possibility that a station could assign a value of "zero" to a bonus spot, it said that such assignment would have to be based on the station's normal commercial sales practices. Moreover, listing a bonus spot as free would trigger a requirement that the station make the spots available to candidates at no cost. In our experience, few, if any stations are in the business of giving away free advertising -- at least unless tied to the purchase of full priced spots.

To avoid these traps, the station should put a price on each spot in the package, without changing the total package price. For example, if the station were to assign a price of $48 to each drive time spot, and $2 to each ROS spot, the charge to the customer stays the same, and the station has preserved the rates of its most valuable time. And, because most candidates want their ads to appear in better time periods, we believe it is unlikely that candidates would purchase ROS even at these low rates.

It is best that these rates be shown on the station's contracts and invoices. However, the FCC recognizes that advertisers and agencies want to believe they are receiving "something for nothing" even though we all know there is no such thing as a free lunch. Therefore, stations are permitted to create a contract and invoice showing the "no charge" rate in a package, so long as there is a contemporaneous memo attached to the contract in the station's records (but not sent to the advertiser or agency) that allocates the rates properly (in this case, $48 and $2), is signed and dated and can be produced upon request by the FCC. By doing so the station can send a contract and subsequent invoice to a commercial advertiser showing a "no charge" rate, while preserving the maximum value for the station's best spots. These memos should be created, signed and dated at the time the contract is executed.

Stations should consult counsel as to how to deal with outstanding advertising packages that list spots as "free" or "no charge."

Posted April 29, 2010

By Scott R. Flick

When the U.S. Supreme Court overturned various restrictions on political spending by corporations in the Citizens United decision, it set off a flurry of activity in Washington. Many, including famously the President in his State of the Union address, derided the decision as opening the political process to the corrupting influence of corporate cash. Many in Congress promised a swift legislative response to minimize the impact of the Court's ruling. Regardless of where you stand on the Court's decision, I have to say I was disturbed by a number of statements coming out of Capitol Hill afterwards which made clear that the speakers had no understanding of the laws already on the books relating to political advertising on electronic media. Some promised to change the law to what it actually already is (although they apparently didn't know it), and others pointed out "problems" that would result from the Citizens United ruling that current law already prohibits from occurring.

Grandstanding without basis is, however, a well-established Washington tradition, and I presumed that when legislative staffers got together to draft the legislation, they would quickly figure out that these criticisms and unneeded solutions had been off-base. I apparently was too optimistic. Today, Senator Schumer of New York unveiled the Senate version of the legislation (Senate link not yet available) at a news conference on the steps of the Supreme Court. The President publicly applauded the legislation, and the House has promised hearings within a week on its version of the bill in hopes of enacting it quickly enough to govern this Fall's elections. The DISCLOSE Act (the acronym for "Democracy Is Strengthened by Casting Light On Spending in Elections"), as its name indicates, requires ample disclosure when corporations or unions spend money on ads relating to a federal political campaign. Unfortunately, it does not stop there, and attempts to then rewrite political advertising laws contained in the Communications Act of 1934 that were not impacted by the Citizens United ruling. These changes appear to be an effort to require broadcasters, as well as cable and satellite operators, to subsidize the ads of not just candidates, but of their national political parties as well, in an effort to make their ad dollars go farther than those of a corporation exercising its rights under Citizens United.

Setting aside the wisdom or constitutionality of that approach, the rub is that the legislation was apparently drafted in such a rush that aspects of it quite literally make no sense. For example, the relevant section of the bill is entitled "TELEVISION MEDIA RATES", but it then amends the political advertising provisions of the Communications Act that affect both television and radio. Even if the impact on radio was unintended, the matter is further confused by a requirement that the FCC perform random political audits during elections of at least 15 DMAs of various sizes, and that each DMA audit include "each of the 3 largest television broadcast networks, 1 independent television network, 1 cable network, 1 provider of satellite services, and 1 radio network."

Similarly, the statutory exceptions to the requirement for providing equal time to a candidate's opponents when the candidate appears on-air would be amended to exclude certain appearances by a candidate's representative as a triggering event. However, since only the appearance of a candidate can trigger equal time in the first place, creating an exception for appearances by a candidate's representative serves no purpose.

Further indicating that the bill is premised on a misunderstanding of the current law, the Reasonable Access provisions of the Communications Act would be amended so that instead of FCC licensees being required to provide federal candidates with "reasonable amounts of time," they would be required to provide "reasonable amounts of time, including reasonable amounts of time purchased at the lowest unit charge ...." The premise of this change appears to be a lack of understanding that all time sold to a candidate in the 45 days before a primary and the 60 days before a general election must be sold at the lowest unit charge for that class of time. The broadcaster has no discretion to charge anything but the lowest unit charge during that time, making this change pointless as well.

A number of other odd provisions in the Senate version of the bill that would significantly impact media companies (and not just broadcasters) is discussed in an Advisory we issued to our clients earlier today. Two of particularly great concern would drastically reduce the lowest unit charge for political advertising while significantly expanding the pool of entities eligible to receive lowest unit charge. It is worth noting that none of these media-oriented provisions appear to be in the House version of the bill, so hopefully they will be excised from the Senate bill before any harm is done. Regardless, broadcasters, as well as cable and satellite providers, need to be vigilant to ensure that these provisions, if not eliminated outright, are at least heavily modified before any final bill emerges.

Posted April 28, 2010

By Clifford M. Harrington, Scott R. Flick and Paul A. Cicelski

4/29/2010
Several members of Congress led by Senator Schumer and Congressman Van Hollen introduced today the "Democracy Is Strengthened by Casting Light On Spending in Elections" Act--the DISCLOSE Act. The House and Senate versions differ, with the Senate version vastly expanding eligibility for Lowest Unit Charge, reducing the Lowest Unit Charge, prohibiting preemption of political ads, and requiring the FCC to perform political audits of broadcasters, cable, and satellite operators.

The DISCLOSE Act is primarily aimed at reversing, to a large degree, the recent 5-4 decision of the Supreme Court in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, in which the Court held that corporations, and by implication unions, have a constitutional right to make independent expenditures for advertising supporting or opposing the election of political candidates. As we reported in a Client Alert in January of this year, the decision opened the way for increased political advertising by invalidating limits on corporate political ad spending. The decision allows, among other things, corporations (and unions) to purchase airtime at any time to directly advocate for or against candidates for federal elective office. While the decision invalidated limits on corporate spending on political advertisements, it did retain certain disclosure and disclaimer requirements found in the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act.

Continue reading "DISCLOSE Act Released in Response to Supreme Court's Citizens United Ruling; Senate Version Would Greatly Impact Broadcasters, Cable, and Satellite Television Operators"

Posted March 1, 2010

By Richard R. Zaragoza and Clifford M. Harrington

This Advisory provides a review of the FCC's political broadcasting regulations.

Introduction
Eight years after adoption of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act ("BCRA") of 2002, popularly known as "McCain-Feingold," Congress' and the FCC's interest in political broadcasting and political advertising practices remains undiminished. Broadcast stations must insure that a broad range of federal mandates are met, providing "equal opportunities" to all candidates using the stations facilities, affording federal candidates for public office "reasonable access" and treating all candidates for public office no less favorably than the station treats its most favored advertisers. Accordingly, it is imperative that broadcasters be very familiar with what is expected of them in this regulatory area, that they have adequate policies and practices in place to insure full compliance, and that they remain vigilant to legislative, FCC, and FEC changes in the law.

Continue reading "Political Broadcasting Advisory"

Posted January 21, 2010

By Lauren Lynch Flick and Scott R. Flick

Disclosure and Disclaimer Requirements Retained. Decision Likely Invalidates Identical Political Ad Restrictions on Labor Unions.

On January 21, 2010, the Supreme Court of the United States issued its long-awaited decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, a case challenging limits on political speech by corporations.

Continue reading "Supreme Court Opens the Way to Expanded Advertising Revenues by Invalidating Limits on Corporate Political Ad Spending"

Posted January 4, 2010

By Richard R. Zaragoza, Scott R. Flick, Lauren Lynch Flick and Christine A. Reilly

January 2010
Items of Note in 2010

Continue reading "2010 Broadcasters' Calendar"